Pan-democrats are forecast to have a rough day at the polls this weekend, writes Chris Yeung

Sporting bright vests and brandishing placards, the three election hopefuls and their aides stood within metres of each other, spruiking for votes among morning rush-hour commuters. The scene outside the Fo Tan KCR station opposite Jubilee Garden was one of the more colourful scenes around Hong Kong this week in the countdown to Sunday's district council elections.

Accompanied by the biggest campaign team, prominent pharmacist Scarlett Pong Oi-lan handed out fliers and greeted residents in her effort to win the Fo Tan seat on Sha Tin District Council. Nearby were the incumbent, Richard Tsoi Yiu-cheong, and Wong Mei-ngan, who lives in the area and runs a restaurant with her husband. About half of Fo Tan's 15,000-odd registered voters live in the Jubilee Garden complex.

While Fo Tan constituency's electioneering scenes can hardly steal the limelight from the highly publicised race between Anson Chan Fang On-sang, Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee and six other contenders for next month's Legco by-election, the dynamics behind the three-horse race in Fo Tan say something about the changing social and political scene in Hong Kong as it enters election season.

A total of 2.96 million registered voters are eligible to cast their votes among a total of 878 candidates for 365 seats up for grabs in 18 district councils. Forty seats will be returned unopposed. Billed as the fiercest election in the low-tier political structure, results of the elections, a barometer of the political climate, will have profound implications for the next full Legco election in September next year.

With the backing of a Beijing-friendly group, New Century Forum, and the advantage of being a household name, Ms Pong is wading into politics. She has in the past played an active role in the government-sponsored Sha Tin Festival which included dozens of variety events last year. She also has pledged to turn Fo Tan, a district with mixed industrial, commercial and residential developments, into a "healthy, safe" place to live.

"No one has done anything in the last four years. The face-lifting maintenance project and renovation of the wet market in Jubilee Garden are high on my agenda if I'm elected," she said.

Ms Pong, 48, was apparently aiming her comments at 40-year-old Tsoi, a long-time pro-democracy activist who "parachuted" into Fo Tan and won the seat at the 2003 poll. Insisting she has no political affiliation, Ms Pong denied rumours that she was associated with the pro-Beijing flagship Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. "District work doesn't need [the backing of] political parties," she said.

Mr Tsoi, whose candidacy is backed by the pan-democratic alliance, last weekend sent out a letter to voters claiming a "state of emergency".

He told the South China Morning Post: "The 'July 1 effect' factor is long gone {hellip} I'd like to make sure supporters for democracy come out and vote. It's also clear residents have attached more importance to concrete work of candidates in their district. That's why I've campaigned on a dual-track theme of both democracy and the well-being of interests {hellip} it's a tough battle."

The third candidate, Ms Wong, took a more relaxed approach and said she couldn't rely on the strong backing given to her rivals.

Ms Wong said she planned to do a better job in promoting the needs of residents if she won. "If I had big political ambitions, I would have run for the Legco," she said, but added that "the campaign for the [district council] election has become so political it's as if we were running for Legco."

Although the district polls are still dominated by candidates from four long-established parties, the entry of two newly launched parties has injected fresh life into the contest.

The DAB's fleet of 177 candidates is the largest among political parties, followed by the Democratic Party (108), the Liberal Party (56) and the Association for Democracy and People's Livelihood (38).

The Civic Party, inaugurated last year, put together a squad of 42 in their election debut, featuring rising young political stars such as Tanya Chan Suk-chong (The Peak constituency) and Tsang Kwok-fung (Tai Po Hui). Another newcomer in elective politics is the League of Social Democrats, which is sponsoring 27 hopefuls.

Of the other candidates, many who claim to be "independent" are widely seen to be close allies of the pro-Beijing, pro-government force. They have been described as "invisible left-wing candidates" and "below-water DAB members" by the pan-democratic camp.

In a hurried response this week, the pan-democrats under the banner of the Democratic Coalition for DC Election published on the internet details of the political affiliations of some of the independent candidates.

With political tensions having eased greatly since the rally on July 1, 2003, democrats admit they're in for a tough day on Sunday. They fear the feel-good sentiment of a strong economy means voters will shun the ballot box. A low turnout is likely to benefit the pro-Beijing camp.

Professor Joseph Cheng Yu-shek, of City University's Department of Public and Social Administration, and a key election strategist for the Civic Party, said the government's lack of enthusiasm for the event and the "cool treatment" of the DAB in election publicity had further dampened the election atmosphere.

"Candidates are all working very hard. But people have reacted coolly to the campaign," he said.

"We'd like to have more political issues like universal suffrage on the election agenda. But the media are not interested in district council elections. People feel disappointed and helpless with the lack of progress over universal suffrage.

"Under the present executive-led system, pan-democrats don't have much room for political manoeuvrings on livelihood issues. And it's true to say we democrats haven't been able to come up with ideas on livelihood issues that have deeply impressed the people."

Voter turnout hit a high of 44 per cent at the 2003 district council election, in the wake of the July 1 protest that year which was stirred by controversy over the mishandling of the national security bill. The turnout rate of previous district polls ranged between 33 and 38 per cent.

Dr Li Pang-kwong, a political scientist at Lingnan University, said the district council election battles had been diluted by several factors such as the Legco by-election.

"Voters accord more importance to the candidates' record of service in their districts. The 'political party effect' remains an important, albeit hidden factor, in voters' behaviour," he said.

Dr Li said political parties remained strategically important in district council polls and the district network formed a pillar of political parties' campaigns for Legco.

"It will be interesting to see how the Civic Party performs in the district council elections. They have quite a few young, talented candidates who don't have a strong district service record. The party will suffer a big blow if they fail in their election debut," he said.

Political observers tip the DAB to emerge as the big winner by regaining the ground it lost in the 2003 polls. The Democrats and the ADPL, given their established district work, are tipped to achieve fair results. Both the Civic Party and the Liberal Party may end up the losers.

Ivan Choy Chi-keung of the Chinese University's government and public administration department said the pan-democrats would only have themselves to blame if they failed. He said they had not taken advantage of their success in winning new constituencies in 2003.

"It's disappointing that the democrats again have to play the 'emergency' card among supporters of the pro-democratic camp on the eve of election day - as they have done previously. They're running out of fresh ideas to show how they differ from their rivals.

"The pendulum of politics is likely to swing in favour of the pro-Beijing force in the district council election. People don't want universal suffrage to become the single issue at the expense of district matters in district polls. They'd like to see a more balanced profile of candidates."

The expected synergy between Anson Chan's election battle and the pan-democrats' campaign in district council elections has failed to materialise.

"So far, the two election campaigns are virtually disconnected. Instead of bringing about mutual benefits to each other, the opposite is true," Mr Choy said.

　　4年一屆的區議會大戰還有兩天，泛民主派與親政府陣營便要一決勝負，今年沒有「七一效應」下，民建聯究竟能否一雪前恥，收復上屆失地？泛民主派又能否保住既有陣地，抑或兵敗如山倒？這將是本屆的焦點。

　　03年的區議會選舉，投票率創下歷史新高，達44%，投票人數增加了20萬人；政界均認為，當年多了一批刻意要對政府投反對票的選民為「踢走保皇黨」，於是令民建聯慘敗。

　　本屆區選，泛民主派本來想透過前政務司司長陳方安生，對壘前保安局局長葉劉淑儀的港島補選，既谷起政改爭論，亦搞旺選舉氣氛。無奈補選由兩太大戰變為8人大混戰，加上葉太亦打出支持2012年普選的旗幟，令泛民的民主決戰策略失效。

公民黨設中心 電話催投票

　　泛民見選舉氣氛未能熱鬧，乃急忙打出「告急牌」，今日會在報章刊登294名泛民主派候選人的名單，以示他們乃真正泛民主派人士，以資識別部分打民主旗號的候選人。

　　首次參加區選的公民黨，負責選舉工程的黨秘書長鄭宇碩就成立了電話中心，部署週日發動電話攻勢呼籲選民投票，而晚上6時半至10時半是最關鍵時候。

民主黨義工 投票率低即出動

　　民主黨則安排在投票當天，在各地區支部派駐5至10個義工，隨時調動至投票率偏低的選區上樓催票。民主黨預計，雖然選舉氣氛冷淡，但相信市民投票意識加強，投票率可達四成，部分地區亦高至45%。

　　另一邊廂，早前在全港地鐵賣廣告的民建聯，近日集中精力在地區打埋身戰，該黨預計本屆投票率仍保持四成，投票當日會由各地區依賴街坊為主的義工隊或電話拉票，或上門催票，毋須中央統籌，各區各師各法。

　　選舉期間缺乏焦點議題，相信是與港府刻意將具爭議性議題避過選舉有關，例如市民關心的醫療融資、政改報告等，全部推後至明年初，令致官場一片寂靜。相信選舉過後，當各項敏感政策一湧而出，政壇才復熱鬧。

泛民主派一直視週日的區議會選舉為下月2 日立法會港島區補選的前哨戰。參與立法會港島區補選的前政務司長陳方安生，昨日率先出動為泛民區議會候選人助選，而在投票當日，陳太會走訪港島逾40 個選區，為泛民「催票」。另一補選候選人匯賢智庫主席葉劉淑儀表示，不會特別為民建聯候選人打氣，反而會集中替匯賢智庫4 個候選人拉票。【相關新聞刊A8】葉太說： 「緊係唔得閒！我都有幾個年輕人參選，要去支持他們！」陳太表示， 週日會落區為候選人打氣，當日最重要的是呼籲所有市民要在區選及下月2 日的立法會補選時出來投票，不論對推動2012 雙普選及社區發展等工作，市民手中一票都可令政府更多聽市民心聲。當被問及會否擔心泛民若在區選成績欠佳，會拖累其選情，她說： 「最重要是市民出來投票，相信很多香港市民非常擁護在民主路上為香港爭權益的人！」陳太昨日率先到灣仔為公民起動「修頓」和「大佛口」選區候選人魏基樂及陳小萍助選，公民起動召集人何秀蘭亦到場支持。他們由灣仔循道衛理教會起步，在起步前，陳太及兩名區議會候選人敲響3 個礦泉水樽，寓意選舉工程開始啟動，再由公民起動現任灣仔區議員金佩瑋唱起自創歌曲《笑獅進行曲》，寄望民主普選的路會一直向前行。

為公民起動「起步」

「起步禮」完成後，他們經市集走到皇后大道東，沿途不斷呼籲市民支持2012 雙普選及投追隨民主的人一票。有市民上前表示「支持」及「會投陳太一票」，亦有店舖老闆對陳太說： 「你真人好靚！」「修頓」另兩名候選人為李碧儀和黃國康； 「大佛口」選區另有李均頤和盧健明參選。

指港人對中央信心增加

對於葉太前日指政府若要實行23 條立法需聽取民意，陳太指香港目前沒有迫切需要立法，又指香港市民非常愛國，沒有任何意識搞獨立或顛覆國家，而且多次民調顯示，香港市民對中央愈來愈有信心。

港島區補選其他參選人包括李永健、蔣志偉、柳玉成、蕭思江、凌尉雲和何來。

Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee yesterday questioned how many people who had criticised the controversial shelved Article 23 national security bill had "actually looked at it", while admitting she had paid a price for promoting it when she was security chief.

Mrs Ip also said people should compromise rather than support her main Legislative Council by-election rival Anson Chan Fang On-sang's universal suffrage proposal, which she said sought change only by claiming "moral superiority".

Speaking during a lunch at the Foreign Correspondents' Club, Mrs Ip said she had paid heavily for promoting Article 23. She has since apologised for angering people with her hardline approach.

While conceding that she had had to stay "away from home for three years" in the United States following her resignation in 2003, Mrs Ip defended herself when asked if she had been given a bad bill to promote.

"I wonder how many people who criticised the bill have actually looked at it. I will leave it to people who may have time now to really study all the detailed clauses to think again about its substance," Mrs Ip said. She said her reform proposal, which has been criticised for containing a mechanism to vet out dissidents, would be more acceptable to Beijing than Mrs Chan's universal suffrage proposal.

Mrs Ip has proposed requiring candidates for the chief executive election to receive support from all quarters, including Beijing loyalists and businesspeople, if they are to run for election in 2012. Mrs Chan has called for free universal suffrage by 2012.

"I think most Hong Kong people are realistic. You can't make things happen just by claiming moral superiority. You have to make sure your package as a whole is acceptable to people other than the pan-democrats," she said.

Mrs Chan said Hong Kong would not forget how 500,000 protesters demanded universal suffrage and opposed Article 23 in 2003. She urged the public to demonstrate their democratic aspirations with their votes.

Speaking after meeting grass-roots women's groups, she said universal suffrage was desirable because everybody should have the right to take part in an equal and open election without any candidates being unfairly vetted. In her blog yesterday, Mrs Chan urged the public to vote in the district council elections on Sunday with the July 1 spirit.

參加港島區立法會補選的前保安局局長葉劉淑儀，昨日出席一個午餐演講會時，重申她提出的普選方案中，建議行政長官候選人需在四個提名委員會各得到百分之十的提名，是要顧及各階層利益；並指泛民學者馬嶽、朱耀明等亦曾在○四年提出類似的建議。馬嶽回應指該份建議只處於「討論階段」，方案亦是針對零七普選而非二○一二。

記者：潘淑麗

葉太的選舉對手陳方安生一再質疑，她提出的二○一二雙普選方案有「篩選機制」，是「假民主」及「魔鬼在細節中」。葉太昨日出席「外國記者協會」進行演講時，則推介她建議的普選方案，認為該方案較陳太的方案更能被中央及社會各界接納。她又指要令香港達至民主，不止要說「道德優越感」，還要讓中央明白她建議的方案是符合《基本法》的。

要顧及各階層利益

葉太並指方案中建議行政長官候選人需在四個提名委員會各得到百分之十的提名，是要顧及各階層利益；並指「民主發展網絡」成員馬嶽、朱耀明牧師等亦曾在○四年提出，建議候選人要分別在四個界別中取得百分之五的提名。

記者按葉太所指翻查記錄，有報章曾於○四年公開一份由多名泛民學者包括馬嶽、朱耀明牧師等提出的方案，內容包括特首候選人必須取得提名委員會四大組別(工商、專業、勞工社會服務等界別及政界)每組最少百分之五的委員提名。中大政治與行政學系副教授馬嶽回應指該份建議只處於「討論階段」，方案亦從未以「民主發展網絡」名義向外公佈。他解釋當年的建議是針對○七年普選，因當年社會討論普選氣氛未成熟，中央亦有較多的疑慮，因而建議有關的方案；但認為現時討論二○一二年普選時該建議並不適用。

陳太：普選不是道德高地

同樣參加補選的前政務司司長陳方安生，昨日亦與婦女團體會面。回應葉太指實現普選不只要「道德優越感」，她指：「這不是道德的高地，看普選的定義是平等及普及，不應有任何篩選令市民不能自由地選擇。這是很基本的。」至於葉太指她的方案更易被中央接受，陳太認為目前雙方均未有機會與中央討論，但指特區政府曾表示任何方案都要符合《基本法》普選的定議。

香港大學最新公佈的立法會港島區補選民意調查結果顯示，陳方安生的支持度微升一個百分點至四成四，而葉太的支持度則微跌一個百分點至三成六；兩人支持度差距七個百分點。

　【本報訊】(記者 明言)新一屆區議會選舉即將展開，反對派的如意算盤是透過參與港島區立法會補選的陳方安生親身落場，以激起選舉氣氛，惟事與願違，無法激起半點漣漪。

　有反對派陣營人士私下透露，由於陳太在最後一刻才決定參選，加上其助選班底又拉雜成軍，與反對派毫無默契，故無法發揮應有的作用，「各有各做」，不大合拍。

Former security chief Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee said yesterday the best way to achieve democracy in Hong Kong was to convince Beijing the proposal being put forward was firmly grounded in the Basic Law.

Addressing the Foreign Correspondents Club, Ip said the platform of her main rival in the December 2 Legislative Council by-election, Anson Chan Fang On-sang, was ``too rigid and lacking in details'' while hers was pragmatic, complied with the Basic Law, and more likely to win Beijing's acceptance.

``My speech today will not disappoint in terms of substance and ideas as opposed to empty talk and sloganeering,'' Ip said.

Proclaiming herself a ``candidate with independent views,'' Ip said she would strive to convince Beijing of her own proposal for Hong Kong's future constitutional reforms.

Without directly quoting Chan's claim of ``moral superiority,'' Ip denounced what she called empty talk about visionary missions and failing to put them into practice.

``To make democracy happen in Hong Kong, it is not good enough to claim moral superiority. The best way to persuade Beijing to give Hong Kong democracy is to convince its leaders that our proposals are firmly grounded in our constitution.

``I wish to stress that the key difference between my proposals, and those of Mrs Anson Chan and her supporters, is that mine stands a much stronger chance of being accepted by other sectors of our community than the pan-democrats', and by the authorities in Beijing. As such, they have a better chance of being turned into reality,'' Ip said.

Ip criticized Chan for focusing on a single issue and a single agenda.

``Another way to look at the difference between Mrs Chan's proposals and mine is: do you wish to have a candidate with broad interests and a broad appeal with a modicum of support from, and the ability to represent, industrialists, workers, business professionals and elected representatives from different sectors against a proposal that has the support of a single party, a single issue, a single candidate with narrow views and lacking in broad support?''

Ip said Chan's decision to drop the 2016 option and to concentrate only on 2012 made her proposal uncompromising and ``too rigid.''

Ip also tried to justify her proposal of a ``screening mechanism'' for the nomination of chief executive candidates by saying similar proposals had been made by pan-democratic scholars like Chu Yiu-ming, Ma Ngok and Chan Kin-man, all of whom felt it was necessary for a candidate to obtain backing from all four sections of the nominating committee.

Ip brushed aside suggestions she was lagging behind Chan in various polls, saying there were bound to be ups and downs in surveys.

``More importantly, one should not walk on air when it is up; or lose one's nerve when it plunges,'' she said.

To prepare for next Saturday's televised election debate, Ip said: ``I will sleep more and smile more.''

There are six other contestants in the by-election: barrister Lee Wing-kin, Lok Ma Chau-Hong Kong Freight Association chairman Stanley Tandon Lal Chiang, former anti-communist activist Lau Yuk-shing, solicitor Siu See-kong (alias Xi Hua Seng), company director Cecilia Ling Wai-wan, and heritage activist Ho Loy. [email protected]

【本報訊】立法會港島區補選候選人葉劉淑儀昨天出席外國記者會午餐會時發表演說，她一邊向現場數十名來賓硬銷其政改方案，另一邊則諷指陳太提出政改方案時，只懂站在「道德高地」，忽略妥協的重要性。陳太回應時否認站在道德高地，指普選的定義是普及而平等，不應設有任何篩選機制，暗示葉太提出的只是「假普選」方案。

葉太昨天演說時頻頻為其政改方案辯護，堅稱要求特首候選人在提名委員會四個界別取得10%提名，是確保均衡參與，她特別指出04年民主派學者如陳健民及馬嶽等，也支持特首候選人要在不同界別取得提名，暗撐其方案非倒退式普選方案。

「民主真諦是妥協」

她更稱其政改方案與陳太方案最大的分別，是其方案較易得到中央及社會接受，實現普選的機會較大，強調要在香港落實真正民主，不能單單站在道德高地，「民主的真諦是妥協，否則在這裏鬧交，便做不成工作。」被問及推銷23條不力時，葉太指「推得唔到，激嬲香港人，我係要負責任」，但拒評日後是否支持23條重新上馬。另外，本報有份贊助香港大學民意研究計劃的立法會港島區補選民意調查結果顯示，陳太的支持度由本月12至14日的42%升至最新的43%；葉太的支持度則由37%跌至36%，兩人的支持度差距為七個百分點。

　　前保安局局長葉劉淑儀的普選方案，被民主派批評特首的提名門檻過高，葉太昨反駁：「早在04年，民主發展網絡也提出，特首候選人必須分別取得4界別中不少於5%的提名」，與自己的方案相若。

反駁普選方案 相若當年民網

　　中大政治及行政學系副教授馬嶽，當年曾參與設計民主發展網絡的方案，他昨日接受記者查詢時說：「當時我們沒有正式公開這套方案，這並不是正式的立場。」他又解釋，當年為爭取07╱08普選特首，「考慮到中央對這種類似篩選機制，會較容易接受。」

　　葉太昨出席外國記者俱樂部午餐會時稱：「要實現民主，只顧站在道德高地並不可取。」又認為香港民主要進步，「民主的真諦便是妥協」，只有這樣才能得到中央、商界認同。被問及是否得到中央允可時，她則表示，「還未開始遊說中央。」

陳太見婦界 稱未有機晤中央

　　另一位候選人陳方安生昨日會見婦女界後，回應葉太指她的方案較難被中央接受時指，自己的方案並非站在道德高地，目前亦未有任何機會與中央談及普選問題。陳太也到灣仔區，為公民起動的兩位區議會候選人打氣。

　　另外，市民可在雅虎香港網站，向8位立法會港島區補選候選人發問，由現在至11月23日上午10時，可上載30秒視像提問短片至http://www.yahoo.com.hk/ask。

　　有關問題將會由本地傳媒代表組成的獨立評審委員會篩選，然後在「直選擂台港島區補選」節目中播出，並由8位候選人分別作答。「擂台」將在11月25日晚上7時至9時在中環遮打花園舉行。

立法會港島補選候選人葉劉淑儀昨日再與陳方安生「隔空過招」，葉太出席外國記者協會午宴及致辭時，指出自己的普選方案與對手陳方安生不同之處，在於自己的較易為北京當局及香港社會各階層接受。葉太稱，要令民主在港實現，只擺出「道德高地式」(moral superiority)的普選要求並不太好。而陳太則指自己的方案不是「道德高地式」，普選的定義是普及而平等，不應有任何篩選機制，這是基本原則。

葉劉淑儀昨面向駐港海外傳媒，介紹參選政綱內普選特首及立法會方案，包括特首普選提名門檻10%，候選人須從提名委員會四個界別中，各自取得10%委員提名

談到與陳太及其支持者的普選方案之別，葉太稱最重要是自己方案相對民主派方案來說，有很大機會獲得社會各階層及中央接受，自己的方案有較大機會成為事實。她認為要令香港有民主，提出一個道德高地式的方案並不太好，最有效的方法是令中央接受有關方案是符合基本法。

指出與陳太方案之別

葉太表示，第二個分別則是看你希望有一個代表廣泛利益及訴求、有能力代表工商專業界、勞工界及工業界等各階層的特首候選人；或是要一個只取得個別黨派支持，只著重單一議題、見解狹隘及缺乏廣泛支持的候選人。她指出自己普選方案與陳太之別，就是這麼簡單。

葉太並指出，港人希望有普選，要達致這目標，港人要務實及理性，亦須願意妥協。她希望這個妥協精神能普遍存在於香港各階層及各政黨之中，大家能用開放的眼光看待她的建議。葉太稱除非香港人能齊心，否則香港民主之夢永遠遙不可及

葉太在回應提問時指出，香港早日出現民主，可對內地實現民主有示範作用；不過，她指內地本身有許多問題，如城市化、工業化及地域甚廣等，要推行民主，不及香港來得容易。

而港大民意研究計劃最新民調顯示，陳太得票支持率有42%，葉太的得票支持率則上升3%至37%，兩者差距只有5%。問到支持率上升，葉太稱支持率有升有跌，如遇上升，不會驕傲；如若下跌，也不會氣餒。

支持率升不驕跌不餒

面對上次選舉論壇回應23條立法有被噓，葉太稱自己當年推銷23條確實不好。對本月25日晚上另一論壇準備，葉太稱事前會多睡一點，臨場則會多笑一點。

就葉太指其普選方案較被中央接受，陳太表示，目前未有機會與中央商討自己的方案。此外，陳太昨與13名婦女會晤，聽取新移民及家務助理的心聲，其後到灣仔區與公民起動兩名區議會候選人「雙拉票」，她還會在前這幾天到港島44個選區為泛民主派候選人打氣。

陳太表示：「我會落區為佢打氣，最重要呼籲市民11月18號(區議會)同12月2號(立法會補選)投票，佢手中一票係好重要，不論推動2012(雙普選)、社區發展、可持續發展、保育等工作，都會令我政府更聆聽市民心聲，更加向市民負責」。她又指：「有好多人諗住唔投票，但佢手中一票係非常重要，投票可表示投票意向」。新報記者綜合報道

　　立法會港島區補選候選人、前保安局局長葉劉淑儀【圖右】，繼上周港大學生會的辯論會之後，再被問及關於二十三條立法的問題。她強調，當年的草案內容符合人權要求，並無損害市民權利。其主要對手陳方安生【圖左】談及澳門將就二十三條立法時則表示，香港目前並無迫切需要立即立法。　　葉劉淑儀昨天以匯賢智庫主席身份，應邀為外國記者會演講。在答問環節被問及為何至今仍未就立法草案的內容道歉，葉劉表示，提問者應該問當年參與立法的政府律師，當年政府已徵詢獨立法律意見。她指出，當年的草案內容符合人權要求，也無損市民的自由和權利，但承認未能成功說服市民。她表示，草案的對錯她今時今日不應該評論。至於政府應否將當年的同一條草案重新提出，葉劉則表示，要是她當選成為立法會議員，她會以議員的角度去審議。她又表示，懷疑批評草案的人有多少真正翻閱過草案，她希望有時間的人再仔細研究草案的詳細條文，再度評價草案內容。

　　此外，葉劉在題為「Hong Kong's Road to Democracy and Good Governance（香港邁向民主及良好管治之路）」致辭中指出，她與陳方安生的政制方案的重要分別，在於她的方案更能被泛民以外的社會各界及北京當局接受，完全以《基本法》為基礎。她認為，為促成民主在港落實，抱持道德高地並不足夠。

　　對於行政長官候選人須取得提名委員會各個界別的提名被指為少數人專政，葉劉指出，雖然西方民主國家並無類似香港的制度，競選領導一職要先經由提名委員會提名，但有關要求的確存在於《基本法》當中，而且香港並非獨立國家，香港不幸地必須符合《基本法》的要求，這是她所理解的憲制現實。

　　當被問及為何香港作為非獨立國家，需要有如《基本法》般的要求，葉劉僅以英國仍保留上議院和美國參議院保障較小州份的制度，指出外國也存在一些制衡。

　　陳方安生回應時則指出，能否獲中央支持不存在所謂道德高地的問題，普選的定義包括普及而平等，最重要是不應該設篩選機制，令市民不能夠自由選擇，這是最基本的原則。而對於澳門準備就二十三條立法，陳太表示，香港目前無迫切需要立即立法，香港市民很愛國，無任何意思要搞獨立或者顛覆國家。

　　陳太繼續拉票活動，昨天到堅尼地城明愛社區中心與十三名婦女會面，她們組成「合群組」以家務助理的形式賺取收入，幫補家計，每月大約二千元的收入。陳太讚揚這群婦女自力更生、助人自助的精神；有婦女表示，不想靠綜援，並抱怨政府對她們這類組織支援不足。

　　區議會選舉星期日舉行，陳太昨天拉票時，特別呼籲市民投票，就推動二○一二年雙普選、社區發展及可持續發展等工作盡公民責任■　

陳老太以「真心良心」為口號，報名參加立法會港島區補選時強調，她從來沒有刻意尋求商界人士支持，因為「唔想令有些商界人士難做」。此言是何意思？頭腦思維正常者，不難分析她的言下之意，居心何在。

陳老太的不刻意尋求商界支持，是口不對心。香港是典型的商業城市，工商業界精英是發達資本主義之棟樑，從政者必須爭取他們的支持，這是生活在民主社會的人民都知道的普通政治常識，陳老太定然更加心知肚明。因此，她肯定不會漠視工商界的選票，而不尋求他們的支持，她那句「不尋求……」之言，顯然是昧良心說假話。

誣衊工商界

大家不妨從這一假話中設想：若然「不尋求……」是真心話，說明她有自知之明，肯定工商界是不支持她的，所以也就不去尋求支持了，以免碰灰自討沒趣而引致彼此尷尬。

但是，「唔想令工商界難做」這句話，卻是她的真心話，是她「以己之心，度君子之腹」，自以為工商界也「民主抗共」，和反對派是一丘之貉，也反對基本法循序漸進發展民主政制，要求急進普選，支持他們之奪權圖謀；另一方面，又自以為工商界為了私利，不敢得罪中央而支持她，他們的心境是左右為難的。故她才會吐出「唔想工商界難做」

之言，抹煞絕大多數工商界擁護基本法，支持循序漸進發展民主政制的愛國愛港精神，從而誣衊工商界人士。

上文分析陳老太的競選口號「真心良心」是何貨色，在市民心目中是一清二楚的。筆者在回歸前後十多年來，在各報刊發表多篇批評陳老太的不良言行文章，直到今天對照她的真面目，仍然有現實意義。

記得在中方和部分港人強烈反對彭定康政改時期，陳老太不但挺身維護，而且不遺餘力為之推銷。她在一九九三年出席公務員公積金百萬行的捐款贈送典禮後，對記者發表意見說：「有人形容政改方案為彭定康方案，這是不正確的，這個方案先在香港制訂，受到各階層支持，在立法局內亦曾進行兩次辯論，也獲得大部分立法局議員的支持。因此，提交立法局的政改方案，乃香港市民方案」。像這樣完全不顧事實的政治表態，根本不應該出自統領公務員隊伍的布政司之口。

經常搞對抗

實際上，導致與中方對抗的政改方案，是彭定康早在第一份施政報告匆匆提出來的，事先既不是香港人提出，又未與中方磋商，是名副其實的彭方案。彭方案提出來之後，中方固然強烈反對，立法局議員也有強烈爭拗，市民因此急劇分化，有何理由硬說彭政改是「香港市民方案」，而指責他人稱「彭定康方案是不正確的」呢醰

陳老太顯然是昧良心，信口雌黃，證實她當時已不是政治中立的公務員。彭定康接替衛奕信之後，陳祖澤提早退休，是不想當被迫政治化的布政司，陳老太才有機會坐上那張官椅；而陳老太甘心樂意而又堅定地做末代港督的政治傀儡，不顧「九七」回歸平穩過渡和社會安定繁榮，對抗中國，她哪裡有什麼「香港良心」醰

立法會港島區補選候選人葉劉淑儀，昨日出席外國記者協會午餐會發表演說，談及香港民主發展的路向。葉太表示，「民主制度的真諦是妥協」， 又引述法國政治學者曼寧

（Bernard Manin）的言論作支持。她說，政治人物有遠景之餘亦要妥協，否則60 個立法會議員「個個企硬，什麼都做不到」。

「個個企硬」難有成果葉太表示，對上一次到外國記者協會演講，是5 年前推銷《基本法》23 條立法，笑謂今次再到場「有如將頭放進獅子巢穴」。午餐會期間，有與會者笑說雖然不是「的士司機、侍應及麥當勞員工」，但也希望追問她對《基本法》23 條立法的立場。

拒透露23 條立場葉太表示，當年推銷23 絛立法工作失敗，付上沉重代價，包括要離開香港3 年，但她重申，不少批評《基本法》23 條草案的人士，根本沒有看過草案內容。她拒絕透露對《基本法》23 條的個人立場。

指泛民學者同意篩選葉太提及其政改方案建議時，亦把泛民主派的學者「拉落水」。葉太表示，她建議特首候選人要取得提名委員會4個界別各10％提名建議，跟2004 年民主發展網絡的建議相若。她指出，泛民學者如馬嶽、陳健民和朱耀明牧師，當年也提出候選人要在首3 個界別取得5％ 及第4 界別取得7.5％ 提名的「4 科及格」方案。

朱耀明牧師回應查詢表示，當年提出這方案，是在人大釋法之前，他們希望盡快爭取在2003 年一人一票普選特首，再改善提名機制。鑑於人大釋法，朱耀明表示民網沒有再提出有關方案， 「時光不可倒流」，現在葉太不應以9 年前方案相提並論。

　【本報訊】立法會港島區補選候選人葉劉淑儀開腔批評，在香港爭取民主並不能像前政務司司長陳方安生提出的方案一般，「佔據道德高地」即可成功，相反需要透過妥協達至，「個個都企硬就乜都做唔到」，雖然每一個政治人物也需要有理想，但如何達至則需透過妥協，而香港大部分市民都是務實，願意為民主發展得到進展而妥協。

　葉劉淑儀昨日在外國記者俱樂部演講時引述法國著名政治學者表示，爭取民主最重要是懂得妥協，認為佔據道德高地便可成功是不切實際，相比陳方安生及其支持者提出的政制方案，相信自己的方案較易得到社會各界和中央政府的接受，因為其方案是按照香港的情況、制度而設；若方案涉及修改《基本法》會費時失事，相反妥協是較快達至民主的做法，「任何政黨是不同聲音之一。」

陳太否認「佔據道德高地」　　

　同時，方案必須受到各界接受，體現均衡參與原則，讓不同界別人士於議會的利益得到保障。葉太說像西方的民主國家及地區，制度的設計也有不同制衡，例如很多地區設立「兩院制」，以確保均衡參與，不同利益得到代表。

　她承認，立法會議員也需學會妥協：「民主真諦是妥協，若選入立法會的60名議員不願妥協，只代表自己的信念，坐在議會只會鬧交……個個都企硬就乜都做唔到。」而西方社會的民主概念也是透過互相探討而逐步成型的。

　陳方安生則否認自己提出的普選理念置於「道德高地」上，重申她提出的普選定義，是平等與普及，沒有任何篩選機制，而選民擁有自由選擇的權利，又稱自己現在仍未有機會與中央政府坐下來討論。

▲區選在即，陳太在呢幾日會幫手到港島幾個泛民選區，作雙拉票活動，即一邊自己拉票，也為泛民一些人士助選。就陳太為何咁遲先出手襄助，搞到區選冇乜氣氛，被兩太補選蓋過曬。有泛民中人話畀鍾環友知，因為陳太好急咁出來選，陳太自己都好忙，好難分身。原來陳太好少同民主派一齊助選，亦有另一客觀因素，因為陳太助選團有兩層，但兩層人士中都冇泛民活躍人士在內，但在競選論壇上，陳太亦好看重泛民的幫手，咁張文光便成了陳太的文膽。不過，有泛民中人話，陳太愛先用英文想東西，中文要慢半拍；如果論壇係英語為主，咁陳太辯論時，肯定已天下無敵。

己見 參加立法會港島區補選的前保安局局長葉劉淑儀，昨在午餐會發表講話，指她的普選方案得中央接受的機會較大，又說追求民主，不能只站在道德的高地。

陳太則說，其方案並不是在道德高地，民主普選不能有任何篩選機制。陳太昨到社區中心與基層婦女對話表示，政府應對這類婦女增加資源，協助她們開辦社會企業，助人及互助。

其他候選人有柳玉成、李永健、蕭思江、凌尉雲、蔣志偉及何來。 (都市)